WEBSITE FUNDED BY THE






G20 FROM BELOW







Georgieva calls for “cutting off the head of populism”

Who pays for the austerity measures advocated by the IMF?
The Left Daily 4 November 2026

The head of the International Monetary Fund praised Milei and presented Argentina as a model of fiscal discipline for the world. But behind that rhetoric lies a defense of the interests of creditors and large corporations. The alternative to austerity is to question the priorities of an economy organized to guarantee capitalist profits.

“We must cut off the head of populism,” Kristalina Georgieva said Tuesday in Madrid at the International Banking Conference organized by Banco Santander, where she shared a panel with its CEO, Ana Botín. The IMF Managing Director echoed an idea from Chilean President José Antonio Kast, “populism brings poverty,” and used it to argue that countries that implement austerity measures “will be rewarded . ”

The official left no doubt about who she considers role models . She mentioned Greece, Portugal, and Ireland , countries that went through deep crises and implemented fiscal adjustment programs, and added Argentina . “Argentina is doing very well in laying the foundations for growth, macroeconomic and financial stability. The country will be rewarded for it,” she asserted.

The praise for Javier Milei comes at a time when the economic results of the program are far from what the government promised. Economic activity has lost momentum, formal employment continues to fall, and the IMF itself has lowered its growth forecasts for this year. However, for Georgieva, the path is the right one. What is lacking, according to her diagnosis, is more fiscal discipline and less populism.

Georgieva lumps together governments and movements that may have significant differences, from Argentine Peronism to various center-left or center-left experiences in Europe, under the label of populism. In doing so, she seeks to portray any questioning, even if only verbal, of austerity policies as a threat to economic stability . But the fundamental question is something else entirely. Who benefits from the fiscal order demanded by the IMF? What does it mean for a country to have learned to endure hardship? And why should workers accept that their living conditions are the necessary price to pay for the stability demanded by creditors? Austerity and “populism” are not the way out

Georgieva presented the streamlining of public finances as an essential condition for growth. According to her argument, countries that have weathered crises and learned to control spending have achieved better economic results. She cited Greece, Portugal, and Ireland, in addition to Argentina and Chile, as examples. Faced with national debt, the response would be to reduce public spending, move forward with structural reforms, and accept transformations that may prove "unpopular." The official even questioned the resistance in Europe to raising the retirement age, arguing that people are living longer and should work longer. She clarified that her statement might not be "popular," as if the demonstrations in France, Italy, and Spain weren't clearly demonstrating the enormous discontent caused by the deterioration in living conditions .

In his remarks, he also warned that global public debt is approaching the equivalent of 100% of global GDP. He pointed particularly to the United States, whose debt is around $40 trillion and whose fiscal deficit is approaching 6% of GDP. “I don’t really think growth alone can pull us out of the debt hole. It would also require fiscal discipline,” he stated.

The problem with this reasoning is that it presents profoundly political decisions as a technical necessity . It fails to explain why, faced with national debt, the solution should be to cut pensions, wages, education, healthcare, and infrastructure, instead of discussing who concentrates wealth and which sectors benefit from economic policies.

The IMF's fiscal discipline has a very specific priority: ensuring that states have the necessary resources to meet their financial obligations , even if that means subordinating other social needs. Adjustment is not a sacrifice shared equally. While workers lose income and rights, creditors collect their payments, and large corporations obtain tax breaks, privatizations, and new business opportunities.

The consequences of Milei's adjustment
In Argentina, the Milei government made this approach the cornerstone of its program. The fiscal surplus is sustained by cuts to pensions, public sector wages, universities, infrastructure, and various social programs . At the same time, the IMF is demanding deeper labor reforms, progress on infrastructure concessions, and guaranteed benefits under the Large Investment Incentive Regime (RIGI).

The very evolution of the economy belies the idea that austerity is a path to growth . The IMF lowered its growth forecast for Argentina in 2026 from 3.5% to 2.1%. Economic activity has stagnated , and industries dependent on the domestic market continue to suffer . Since November 2023, total public debt has increased by nearly $99 billion, according to data from the Ministry of Finance up to September of this year.

The government presents fiscal balance as a historic achievement, but this result coexists with an economy that is losing jobs and with a debt that continues to grow. And the IMF itself has been questioning Caputo's figures, which appear to be more creative accounting than genuinely positive numbers.

Although Kristalina is now calling for the end of populism, the government of Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner maintained a very good relationship with the international organization , paying the external debt, recognizing even the 100-year bonds sold to vulture funds, and not questioning the power of large economic groups in the slightest. Differences with Milei exist and are significant, but they were not about offering a fundamental solution to the country's structural problems.

The discussion also cannot be reduced to choosing between austerity and increased public spending without questioning who controls the economy's resources . If the main economic levers remain in the hands of large corporations and banks, decisions about investment, production, and employment will continue to be subordinated to their profits.

A solution based on workers' interests requires breaking with this constraint. Sovereign repudiation of the external debt would allow for a halt to allocating resources to creditor payments. It is also necessary to end the tax privileges of large economic groups, nationalize the banking sector and foreign trade under workers' control , and place strategic sectors of the economy at the service of the needs of the vast majority .
https://www.laizquierdadiario.com/Georgieva-pide-cortarle-la-cabeza-al-populismo-quienes-pagan-el-ajuste-que-defiende-el-FMI?

Back



Thanks for visting the G20 From Below Website. If you want something published here or other enquiries mailto:Brics-from-below@protonmail.com

Please Visit the BRICs from below website. The BRICs from below website was established in 2016 to news and analysis on worker and community protests in the BRICS countries and against the activities of BRICS based multinationals especially in Africa. The G20From Below website was set up in to 2025 to extened this work to the G20 countries.



Introducing BRICS from above, BRICS from the middle and BRICS from below

BRICS FROM ABOVE
Heads of state, Business Forum, elite allies
*BRICS as anti-imperialist (ANC & Pretoria rhetoric – “Talk Left, Walk Right”, e.g. national-liberation tradition, foreign ministry on global geopolitics, finance minister on IMF reform, sports minister on FIFA)
*BRICS as sub-imperialist (Pretoria relegitimising world capitalism, lubricating neoliberalism in - and exploiting - Africa, intensifying class war against SA’s poor/workers/women/nature on behalf of global/local capital, ensuring maximum greenhouse gas emissions alongside BASIC/US no matter local/continental/global consequences, and playing “deputy sheriff” role to imperialism)
*BRICS as inter-imperialist (Pretoria's potential support for a new internet delinked from US, promotion of Putin v Obama in September 2013 at G20, and mainly backing Russia in Crimea/Ukraine conflict - as well as earlier episodes where SA lined up with China in UN e.g. in relation to Burma)

BRICS FROM THE MIDDLE
Academic Forum, trade unions, NGOs
BRICS advocates (most of Academic Forum, Johannesburg & Pretoria “think tanks” and others who suffer persistent “failure of analytical nerve”)
*wait-and-see (most NGOs and trade unions - as well as “Third Worldist” intellectuals - who wish for BRICS to become “anti-impi” at UN, Bretton Woods Institutions, Development Bank, Contingent Reserve Arrangement, etc)
*critics (those associated with brics-from-below network who consider BRICS to be “sub-impis” and sometimes also “inter-impis”)

BRICS FROM BELOW
Grassroots activists whose visions run local to global
*localist (stuck within local or sectoral silos, including myriad “popcorn protests” - even some against BRICS corporations or projects - that are insurgent, unstrategic, momentary, at constant risk of becoming xenophobic, and prone to populist demagoguery)
*nationally-bound (most activists who are vaguely aware of - and hostile to - BRICS yet so overwhelmed by local, national and sectoral battles, they fail to link across borders - even BRICS hinterlands)
*solidaristic-internationalist (“global justice movement” allies aspiring for joint campaigning against common BRICS enemies such as Vale, China Development Bank, DBSA, Transnet/mega-shipping, fossil fuel corporations and other polluters, coming BRICS Development Bank)

JEALOUS PRO-WEST CAPITALISTS
Most white organic intellectuals of capital connected to Old Money, multinational-corporate branch plants, Business Day, northern-centric big biz, Democratic Alliance and their ilk.


© Copyright G20 from below